The Hindu: Published on 16th November 2025.
Why in News?
Pakistan has passed the 27th Constitutional Amendment, a major constitutional shift that formalises the military’s supreme authority in the country. The amendment elevates Army Chief Asim Munir to Field Marshal, gives him lifelong rank, uniform, privileges and complete immunity, and creates a powerful new office — Chief of Defence Forces — which Munir now occupies. It also restructures Pakistan’s judiciary by creating a new Constitutional Court that takes away the Supreme Court’s key powers. The amendment represents the most far-reaching consolidation of military power since Ayub Khan’s era.
HYBRID REGIME: THE SHIFT TO MILITARY-CENTRIC GOVERNANCE:
Pakistan had long operated under what analysts called a hybrid regime — an arrangement where civilian governments existed, but real power remained with the military. After Imran Khan fell out with the army and was removed in 2022, the military backed the formation of a coalition government led by Shehbaz Sharif and supported by the PPP. This political coalition remained weak, divided, and heavily dependent on military support.
As a result, Gen. Asim Munir steadily expanded his influence, especially after being promoted to Field Marshal following a brief conflict with India in May 2025. He began appearing as the face of Pakistan in international diplomacy, overshadowing the civilian leadership. The 27th Amendment formalises this existing hybrid governance structure, moving it from an unwritten understanding to constitutional military dominance. Rather than balancing civil and military power, the amendment tilts the entire structure decisively in favour of the military establishment.
JUDICIAL RESTRUCTURE: A SHIFT IN CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION AUTHORITY:
One of the most consequential aspects of the amendment is the creation of a new Federal Constitutional Court. This court replaces the Supreme Court as the highest interpreter of the Constitution. Judges to this new court are appointed by the President (aligned with the military) on the advice of the Prime Minister (also military-backed), ending the traditional seniority-based system.
This change significantly weakens the judiciary’s independence. Historically, Pakistan’s Supreme Court and lawyer community have at times resisted military interference, such as during the Lawyers’ Movement (2007). By removing the Supreme Court’s authority over constitutional matters, the amendment ensures that future legal challenges to military power can be contained. The resignation of two senior Supreme Court judges immediately after the amendment reflects the seriousness of the judicial blow.
MILITARY COMMAND RESTRUCTURE: THE RISE OF THE CHIEF OF DEFENCE FORCES:
The amendment rewrites Article 243 of Pakistan’s Constitution and creates the new post of Chief of Defence Forces (CDF). This office is above the Army, Navy, and Air Force chiefs, placing all military power under a single authority — currently Field Marshal Asim Munir. The old Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee is abolished.
Additionally, a new National Strategic Command is created to handle nuclear and strategic assets, with its head appointed only on the Army Chief’s recommendation. This ensures that control over Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal remains firmly within the military’s ecosystem and ultimately under Munir.
This restructuring centralises defence power to an extent unseen even during Zia-ul-Haq or Musharraf’s rule, giving the Field Marshal an unchallenged command structure backed by constitutional legitimacy.
POLITICAL ELITE AND ESTABLISHMENT RELATIONS:
Pakistan’s mainstream political parties — the PML-N and PPP — have historically alternated between confrontation and compromise with the military. In the current scenario, both parties rely heavily on the establishment for political survival. As a result, there was no meaningful resistance from them when the amendment was introduced.
Imran Khan’s PTI, the only political force directly challenging military dominance, boycotted the vote, but its absence enabled the amendment to pass with overwhelming support. The amendment’s smooth and rapid adoption demonstrates the political class’s inability or unwillingness to oppose the military, as well as the establishment’s enduring grip over Pakistan’s electoral and parliamentary processes.
POWER CONSOLIDATION AROUND FIELD MARSHAL ASIM MUNIR:
Although framed as an institutional reform, the amendment disproportionately benefits one individual — Asim Munir. He becomes only the second five-star officer in Pakistan’s history after Ayub Khan. His rank, privileges, and uniform are legally guaranteed for life, and he receives complete criminal immunity, meaning he cannot be prosecuted except through an impeachment-like process.
This entrenches his authority in a way no Pakistani military leader has previously achieved. Even Musharraf lacked constitutional protection of this scale. The amendment transforms Munir from the most powerful man in Pakistan de facto into the most powerful man de jure, cemented by law.
LONG-TERM IMPLICATIONS:
The 27th Amendment alters Pakistan’s political trajectory for the foreseeable future. It entrenches military supremacy in constitutional structures, diminishes judicial independence, weakens civilian authority, and sidelines genuine democratic competition. While the amendment may create short-term stability for the ruling coalition, it raises major concerns about democratic backsliding and concentrated authoritarian power.
At its core, the amendment signals not just a hybrid system but a transition to constitutionalised military rule, with Field Marshal Munir positioned at its apex.
